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Original post by LessBread
Cheney is mired in American triumphalism. Her acknowledgment of the notion of American exceptional suggests, however, that she knows better. I suspect that she sees her task as coming to the defense of her old man (which doesn't happen much outside of Fox News and talk radio) and the Bush administration (which she was a part of).
I think the neo-cons have been very frightened by America's economic and political decline. Their dream of a New American Century on their own terms is fading fast. Everyone perceives the need for
a new ideological revolution to recharge us morally, socially, and then economically, but nobody knows how it ought to play out. I don't expect any creative or useful suggestions from the neo-cons, although I do hope America regains its confidence and is able to legitimately proclaim the superiority of Western values once again.
From the conclusion of the linked article:
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The events of 1979 tell us a great deal about the nature of counterrevolution, which is very important to understand, because we might be living through another one right now. Perhaps the key insight is that though counterrevolutionaries may be reactionaries, they are not mere conservatives. Conservatives aspire to return to the status quo ante. Counterrevolutionaries understand that their revolutionary opponents have changed the rules of the game in fundamental ways and that the reaction must adjust accordingly. Although philosophers Edmund Burke and Joseph de Maistre rejected the French Revolution as evidence of "progress" run amok, they responded with intellectual programs of such vigor and sophistication that the leaders they claimed to be defending didn't always find themselves approving.
The shrewdest counterrevolutionaries, moreover, happily exploit revolutionary achievements to their own ends. Deng understood that, by imposing its harsh unity throughout the once fissured mainland, China's dictatorship of the proletariat had actually created the preconditions for a thoroughly bourgeois, ruthlessly capitalist economy. (Wasn't it supposed to work the other way around?) The shah's modernization program displaced legions of overeducated, underemployed young men from villages to the margins of big cities—disoriented, angry, and ripe for recruitment by the "traditionalist" Khomeini. As for Thatcher, one of her most eloquent opponents within her own party was writer Ian Gilmour, who reproached her for failing to grasp that "real" conservatism meant above all adherence to the received order: "British Conservatism is not an '-ism.' It is ... not a system of ideas. It is not an ideology or a doctrine." Thatcher, by contrast, embodied a classic counterrevolutionary paradox: She wanted change, radical change, in order to get back to the way things should be.
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I'd say Russia has a lot of real problems, not that it is a real problem.
Its internal problems provide much of the driving force for the aggressive posturing around its periphery and on the international stage.
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Han Chinese for needed breathing room and Chinese-American multinationals in demand of natural resources.
Yes. But who knows what other players might emerge in the next century? In Central Asia and to the south there are large, growing populations, some of them in failed states like Pakistan.